Tuesday, June 3, 2008

Do EU Governments' State-Aid Environmental Clean Energy-Promoting 'Subsidies' Comply With WTO Law??

http://ec.europa.eu/comm/competition/state_aid/studies_reports/vademecum_on_rules_2007_en.pdf
EU State Aid Programs to Improve the Environment


VADEMECUM [MANUAL] COMMUNITY RULES ON STATE AID


This version of the Vademecum was updated on 15/02/2007.


“The European Commission has launched in June 2005 a comprehensive reform of state aid rules and procedures under the title of State Aid Action Plan (hereinafter only the “Plan”). [See: COM(2005) 107 final June 7, 2005) at: http://ec.europa.eu/comm/competition/state_aid/reform/saap_en.pdf ]. The Commission announced that it would aim in particular to ensure that EC Treaty’s state aid rules are better suited to encourage Member States to contribute to the Lisbon Strategy by focussing aid on improving the competitiveness of EU industry and creating sustainable jobs (for example aid for R & D, innovation and risk capital for small firms), on ensuring social and regional cohesion and improving public services. Since the adoption of the Plan, a number of new regulatory texts have been adopted (such as the new regional aid guidelines) and others are currently under revision. The process should largely be completed by 2009.


...Article 87(1) of the Treaty establishing the European Community Treaty provides that State aid is, in principle, incompatible with the common market. Under Article 88 of the Treaty, the Commission is given the task to control State aid. This article also requires Member States to inform the Commission in advance of any plan to grant State aid (“notification requirement”).


State aid rules apply only to measures that satisfy all of the criteria listed in Article 87(1) of the Treaty, and more in particular:


(a) Transfer of State resources:
State aid rules cover only measures involving a transfer of State resources (including national, regional or local authorities, public banks and foundations, etc.). Furthermore, the aid does not necessarily need to be granted by the State itself. It may also be granted by a private or public intermediate body appointed by the State. The latter could apply in cases where a private bank is given the responsibility to manage a state funded SME aid scheme. Financial transfers that constitute aid can take many forms: not just grants or interest rate rebates, but also loan guarantees, accelerated depreciation allowances, capital injections etc.


(b) Economic advantage:
The aid should constitute an economic advantage that the undertaking would not have received in the normal course of business. Less obvious examples of transactions satisfying this condition are given below:

• A firm buys/rents publicly owned land at less than the market price;
• A company sells land to the State at higher than market price;
• A company enjoys privileged access to infrastructure without paying a fee;
• An enterprise obtains risk capital from the State on terms, which are more favourable
than it would obtain from a private investor.


(c) Selectivity:
State aid must be selective and thus affect the balance between certain firms and their competitors. “Selectivity” is what differentiates State aid from so-called “general measures"
(namely measures which apply without distinction across the board to all firms in all economic sectors in a Member State (e.g. most nation-wide fiscal measures)). A scheme is considered “selective”, if the authorities administering the scheme enjoy a degree of discretionary power. The selectivity criterion is also satisfied if the scheme applies to only part of the territory of a Member State (this is the case for all regional and sectoral aid schemes).


(d) Effect on competition and trade:

Aid must have a potential effect on competition and trade between Member States. It is sufficient if it can be shown that the beneficiary is involved in an) economic activity and that he operates in a market in which there is trade between Member States. The nature of the beneficiary is not relevant in this context (even a non-profit organisation can engage in economic activities).


...According to Article 87(1) of the Treaty, aid measures that satisfy all the criteria outlined above are, in principle, incompatible with the common market. However, the principle of incompatibility does not amount to a full-scale prohibition. Articles 87(2) and 87(3) of the Treaty specify a number of cases in which State aid could be considered acceptable (the so called “exemptions”).


In the context of Structural Funds operations, the most relevant exemption clauses are those of Article 87(3)(a) and 87(3)(c) of the Treaty:

• Article 87(3)(a) covers “aid to promote the economic development of areas where the standard of living is abnormally low or where there is serious underemployment”;
• Article 87(3)(c) refers to “aid to facilitate the development of certain economic activities or certain economic areas, where such aid does not adversely affect trading conditions contrary to the common interest”.


...(b) Other Horizontal rules:
Cross-industry or “horizontal” rules set out the Commission’s position on particular categories of aid which are aimed at tackling problems which may arise in any industry and region. To date, the Commission has adopted “frameworks”, “guidelines” or “block exemption regulations” setting out the criteria that are to be applied to the following categories of aid:

• Aid for small and medium-sized enterprises;
• Aid for research and development and innovation;
• Aid for environmental protection;
• Aid for risk capital;
• Aid for services of general economic interest;
• Aid for the rescue and restructuring of firms in difficulty;
• Aid to employment; and
• Training aid.


...[T] the “Community Guidelines on State aid for Environmental Protection” (Official Journal No C 37, 3.2.2001, p.3) cover aid for actions designed to remedy or prevent damage to our physical surroundings or natural resources or to encourage the efficient use of these resources.


...INVESTMENT AID & AID FOR ADVISORY SERVICES
Eligible activities & costs



Aid for investment to adapt to new compulsory EU environmental standards or to improve on such standards


- Eligible costs: Strictly limited to the extra costs of the investments in land, buildings, equipment and intangible assets necessary to achieve the compulsory standards and/or to meet the environmental objectives. In all cases, the eligible costs must be calculated net of the benefits accruing from any increase in capacity, cost savings engendered during the first five years of the life of the investment and additional ancillary production during that five-year period.


- Aid for investment to adapt to new compulsory EU standards can be granted to SMEs only and can be made available only during a period of three years from the adoption of these new standards.


Aid for investment in energy saving, in renewable sources of energy and in combined heat and power installations (CHP)


- Eligible costs: Strictly limited to the extra costs of the investments in land, buildings, equipment and intangible assets necessary to achieve the environmental objectives. In all cases, the eligible costs must be calculated net of the benefits accruing from any increase in capacity, cost savings engendered during the first five years of the life of the investment and additional ancillary production during that five-year period.


- In the case of renewables or CHP, the extra costs are defined as the extra cost compared to the cost of a comparable conventional power plant.

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http://ec.europa.eu/comm/competition/state_aid/studies_reports/2008_spring_en.pdf

COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES
Brussels, 21.5.2008
COM(2008) 304 final

REPORT FROM THE COMMISSION
State Aid Scoreboard
- Spring 2008 Update –

(at pp. 3-5)


... EXECUTIVE SUMMARY


Environmental and energy aid 1) Environmental aid measures need to be examined by the Commission to ensure that the benefits they bring about outweigh any distortion of competition.


The EU is at the forefront of international efforts to combat climate change - one of the greatest environmental, social and economic threats facing the planet. The EU has played a key role in the development of the two major treaties addressing the issue, the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol, agreed in 1997.


Moreover, the EU has been taking serious steps to address its own greenhouse gas emissions since the early 1990s. An integrated EU energy policy that gives substantial weight to energy efficiency and renewable energy is the EU's response to volatile oil and gas prices, the fear of energy supply disruption and the impact on climate change of the high use of fossil energies.

Within this broad context, the Commission has recently revised the role that State aid plays in supporting the EU environmental and energy policy objectives, by adopting a new set of guidelines as part of the climate change package that the European Commission adopted in January 2008.


Member States resort to a wide range of national environmental policy measures to protect their environment: to limit pollution of air, water and soil, to protect natural resources, to promote renewable energy sources and energy savings, to manage waste, etc. Many of these objectives are targeted through general measures, i.e. applied throughout a particular country without regional or sectoral selectivity, or are addressed through market-based instruments, such as the Emission Trading Scheme and the Energy Taxation Directive, which don't entail State aid.



[SINCE WHEN ARE REGULATIONS MARKET-BASED INSTRUMENTS??]



However, there are also environmental measures or exemptions from general measures (e.g. environmental tax relief) which favour certain companies or the production of certain goods. Such measures may distort competition between companies and it is therefore important that the benefits they bring about are carefully balanced against the distortion of competition they cause. The adoption of the new Guidelines on State aid for environmental protection, in the context of the energy and climate change package, opens up new opportunities for Member States in this field that are worth exploring.


2) Over the last 7 years, 98 % of the 350 environmental aid measures examined by the Commission were found to be compatible with the internal market.



[THIS LEVEL OF COMPATIBILITY WITH THE EU TREATY IS UNLIKELY TO BE THE SAME FOR PURPOSES OF THE WTO 'SUBSIDY' RULES]


In the seven years that these guidelines have been in force, the Commission has taken around 350 decisions. Drawing on these decisions, the Scoreboard provides clear examples of when environmental targeted measures constitute State aid and when this aid can be considered as compatible with the common market. The majority of examples are chosen among cases recently approved by the Commission and constitute either typical or innovative cases in the different sub-areas where environmental aid can be granted (i.e. renewable energy, energy saving, waste management, etc.). In the vast majority of environmental aid cases (98 %), the Commission found them to be compatible. It is however worth noting that this high figure includes cases in which the Commission may have identified certain issues related to the compatibility. Such issues can often be resolved within the scope of the notification procedure through a change in the measure.

3) Increasing use of environmental aid guidelines but considerable variations from one Member State to another.

As the case studies in section 1.6 show, environmental aid encompasses a wide range of objectives, including support measures for renewable energy, energy-saving, waste management, rehabilitation of polluted industrial sites and improvement of production processes. For these types of measures, aid granted by Member States pursues a direct benefit to the environment. State aid expenditure data for such cases can therefore be taken as a proxy measure for the intended environmental benefit, regardless of the form in which the aid may be awarded (grant, tax exemption, guarantee, etc.). This represented approximately 47 % of total environmental aid expenditure in 2006 (around €6.7 billion).


A second category of State aid measures assessed under the environmental aid guidelines are reductions or exemptions from environmental taxes. Here, the environmental objective of the measure is pursued by the tax itself. Any reduction or exemption from environmental taxes, i.e., the part of the measure constituting aid, has an indirect environmental objective by facilitating the introduction or modification of such taxes (going beyond the minima imposed by European Directives for example). Expenditure data currently available for this category of aid schemes indicate the amount of tax revenue foregone and can therefore not serve as a proxy measure for the environmental benefit the taxes themselves have brought. In 2006, some 53 % of total expenditure (around €7.5 billion) fell under this category.


Any analysis of State aid expenditure for environmental purposes must therefore take account of the fact that a large proportion of aid comprises tax exemptions from environmental taxes, usually benefiting energy intensive industries including sometimes big polluters, that had to be accepted in order to allow for certain types of environmental taxes to be introduced.


Although the tax exemptions from environmental taxes do not by themselves aim directly at reaching higher environmental standards, such exemptions are only allowed where the taxes themselves are intended to make a significant contribution to protecting the environment and where the exemptions do not undermine the general objectives pursued.


For this reason, the new State aid guidelines for environmental protection require that where companies do not pay at least the Community minimum or where the tax in question is not subject to Community-wide harmonisation,, long term derogations from environmental taxes remain only possible when Member States can demonstrate that they are necessary and proportionate. Although the number of new environmental aid measures has remained relatively stable for the majority of Member States since 2001, total expenditure for environmental purposes doubled between 2001 and 2006 from € 7 to € 14 billion. In relative terms, environmental aid amounted to 0,12 %.of EU-27 GDP in the period 2004 - 2006 compared with 0.08 % in the period 2001 – 2003.




This average hides significant disparities between Member States. The largest aid grantors in 2004 - 2006 were Sweden (0.77 % of GDP), Denmark (0.35 %), Germany (0,32 %.) followed by Austria, the Netherlands and Finland each of which granted aid above the EU average. Environmental aid expenditure in the United Kingdom stood at half the EU-27 average, while all other Member States, including Spain, France and Italy, granted aid amounting to less than one quarter of the EU-27 average in terms of GDP.




The overall level of expenditure in environmental aid measures in the EU is strongly influenced by the largest aid grantors, Germany and Sweden, in which tax exemptions account for over 90 % of total environmental aid in each country. A CO2 tax reduction for industry and a tax exemption from the energy tax on electricity led to a remarkable rise in aid expenditure for Sweden from 2003 onwards. In Germany, expenditure has risen steadily following the approval in 2002 of a measure that prolonged several tax exemptions from the German energy taxation on electricity and mineral oils. Data show that, leaving aside aid in the form of tax exemptions, the trend in the level of environmental aid remains stable.

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pp. 8-23

... Sustainable development, security of supply and competitiveness are precisely the objectives of the Green Paper on a European Energy Strategy which was adopted by the Commission early 2006. By October the same year, the Commission proposed an Action Plan to reduce energy use, followed in early 2007 by a Commission proposal for an integrated energy and climate change package with significant reduction targets in greenhouse gas emissions by 2020. Most of these proposals were endorsed by the 2007 Spring European Council. Agreement was reached on an integrated climate and energy policy, including a number of headline political targets and a detailed action plan on how to realise them...


...In response to the above-mentioned Council conclusions the Commission presented, on 23 January 2008, its proposal for an energy and climate change package which included...


... New guidelines on State aid for environmental protection (hereinafter Environmental Aid Guidelines). The revised Environmental aid Guidelines are an important part of the Energy and Climate Change package aiming to provide the right incentives for Member States and for industry to increase their efforts for the environment. They aim to strike the right balance between generous support mechanisms for well targeted environmental aid and the preservation of competition which is necessary for the well-functioning of the market based instruments introduced by the package. The guidelines are the only part of the package that will immediately enter into force.


... 1.7. State aid expenditure on environmental protection
...[E]nvironmental aid encompasses a wide range of objectives, including support measures for renewable energy, energy-saving, waste management, rehabilitation of polluted industrial sites and improvement of production processes. For these types of measures, aid granted by Member States pursues a direct benefit to the environment.


State aid expenditure data for such cases can therefore be taken as a proxy measure for the intended environmental benefit, regardless of the form in which the aid may be awarded (grant, tax exemption, guarantee, etc.). This represented approximately 47 % of total environmental aid expenditure in 2006 (around €6.7 billion).


A second category of State aid measures assessed under the environmental aid guidelines are reductions or exemptions from environmental taxes. Here, the environmental objective of the measure is pursued by the tax itself.
Any reduction or exemption from environmental taxes, i.e., the part of the measure constituting aid, has an indirect environmental objective by facilitating the introduction or modification of such taxes. Expenditure data currently available for this category of aid schemes indicate the amount of tax revenue foregone and can therefore not serve as a proxy measure of the environmental benefit the taxes themselves have brought. In 2006, some 53 % of total expenditure (around €7.5 billion) fell under this category.


Any analysis of State aid expenditure for environmental purposes must therefore take account of the fact that a large proportion of aid comprises tax exemptions from environmental taxes, usually benefiting energy intensive industries including sometimes big polluters, that had to be accepted in order to allow for certain types of environmental taxes (going beyond the minima imposed by European Directives for example) to be introduced. That share of tax exemptions is strongly influenced by the largest environmental aid grantors, Germany and Sweden.


Such exemptions are only allowed where the taxes themselves are intended to make a significant contribution to protecting the environment and where the exemptions do not undermine the general objectives pursued. For this reason, the new State aid guidelines for environmental protection require that where companies do not pay at least the Community minimum or where the tax in question is not subject to Community-wide harmonisation, long-term derogations from environmental taxes remain only possible when Member States can demonstrate that they are necessary and proportionate.


EU-wide, aid in the form of grants represents around 17 % of total environmental aid although the proportion is higher, for example, in the Netherlands which awards a significant proportion of its aid in the form of subsidies for the production of energy from renewable energy sources and combined heat and power production (CHP).


Looking at the share of each aid instrument in terms of number of measures paints a rather different picture: aid in the form of grants account for 70 % of the total number of environmental aid measures while tax exemptions make up less than 20 % of the total (Figure 2).


The amount of environmental aid doubled between 2001 and 2006
In 2006, the EU-27 Member States awarded 14 billion of State aid under the environmental aid guidelines compared with € 7 billion in 2001. The largest environmental aid grantors in absolute terms, which together granted more than 90 % of total environmental aid, were Germany (€ 8 billion), Sweden (€ 2.5 billion), the United Kingdom (€ 1 billion), the Netherlands (€ 860 million) and Denmark (€ 600 million). In more than half the Member States, expenditure did not exceed € 20 million in 2006.


Large disparities between Member States in the share of environmental aid as a percentage of GDP


In relative terms, environmental aid amounted to 0.12 % of EU-27 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the period 2004-2006. This average hides significant disparities between Member States. The largest aid grantors in relative terms were Sweden (0.77 % of GDP), Denmark (0.35 %) and Germany (0.32 %), followed by Austria, the Netherlands and Finland each of which granted aid above the EU average. Environmental aid expenditure in the United Kingdom stood at half the EU-27 average, while all other Member States, including Spain, France and Italy, granted aid amounting to less than one quarter of the EU-27 average in terms of GDP (see Table 1). It is worth noting that even if tax exemptions are excluded from the figures, the ranking of Member States is broadly similar.


Leaving aside aid in the form of tax exemptions, the trend in the level of environmental aid is stable.
EU-wide, total environmental aid as a percentage of GDP has increased from 0.08 % in the period 2002 - 2004 to 0.12 % in the period 2004 - 2006. However, this upward trend is largely the result of significant increases in the use of tax exemptions: their share in total environmental aid has increased from 69 % in 2001 to 83 % in 2006. As regards aid in the form of grants or other State aid instruments with a direct impact on the environment, there has been no significant increase in the overall expenditure.


Box: Environmental taxation

... Data on the share of environmental taxes to total taxation indicate that roughly one Euro out of every fifteen in revenue derives from environmental taxes. Environmental tax revenues in the last five years have been on the decline, at least in the EU-15. In contrast, in the EU-12 Member States, which originally levied low environmental taxes, revenues from this kind of taxes have shown a strong progression over time, so that by now there is practically no difference vis-à-vis the EU-15 in this respect.


Looking at the ratio of environmental tax-to-GDP most Member States tend to fall in a band ranging from 2 % to 3 % of GDP, or slightly higher. At 5.8 % in 2005, Denmark displayed by far the highest level of "green" taxes followed by the Netherlands (4 %).


A high share of environmental tax revenue as such does not necessarily represent an indication of a high priority being attributed to environmental protection. Energy taxes were originally used purely as revenue raising instruments, without environmental purposes. Furthermore, the level of this indicator also says nothing about the achievement of environmental policy goals, as revenue increases could conceivably result from changes in the economy towards production and consumption patterns that are resource intensive and lead to even higher pollution...


Vast majority of environmental aid awarded through schemes
Over the period 2001-2007, around 12 % of environmental aid decisions involved individual awards of aid to companies as opposed to aid schemes
. However, in terms of expenditure, individual aid amounted to only 2 % of total environmental aid.


...1.8. The new guidelines on State aid for environmental protection


...The main idea behind the revised guidelines is that Member States should not use State aid as the main tool to address environmental concerns. As shown in section 1.2 above, Member States have several other means at hand (such as regulatory measures, market-based mechanism, etc.) that should be used for this purpose in the first place. State aid should remain a fallback option to be used only when it can be proved that the targeted objective cannot be reached by other means.


But, in certain cases, granting State aid may be justified to give private firms an incentive to invest more in environmental protection or to relieve some firms from a relatively high financial burden in order to enforce a stricter environmental policy overall. However, it should not be possible to grant badly targeted or excessive State aid which not only distorts competition but is also counterproductive for meeting environmental objectives. The new Environmental aid Guidelines make sure that competition is not unduly distorted by support mechanisms – e.g. subsidies, tax exemptions – that Member States develop for the environment. They ensure that State aid measures are better targeted and that the positive effects outweigh the negative effects in terms of distortions of competition. Furthermore, they guarantee that, at the same time, businesses receive sufficient – but not more – incentive to make more environmentally friendly investments or to use, for example, more renewable energy. These new rules introduce more economic analysis, focus on the most distortive measures and define clear rules for tax exemptions and ETS.


Compared to the previous guidelines, the revised version brings about improvements in the following areas.


– Introduction of a clearer and more user-friendly definition of eligible costs based on the concept of "extra investment costs" (see box below). Indeed, the allowable aid amount is calculated in relation to the extra investment cost that is necessary to achieve the level of environmental protection compared to either an installation fulfilling the mandatory standard or, in the absence of standards, a method of production which is less environmentally friendly. This is so because only State aid which has an additional effect
on the environment should be authorised.


– Increased aid intensities which, in certain cases, can go up to 100 % of the eligible costs. This is allowed, for example, when State aid is linked to a bidding (thus, competitive) process or to support the production of renewable energy and cogeneration where operating aid maybe granted in addition to investment aid in order to cover the full difference between the cost of producing the energy and the market price for the energy concerned.


– Clarification of the treatment of tax reductions/exemptions. The possibility for long term derogations from environmental taxes is maintained by the new guidelines provided that, after the reduction, the companies concerned still have to pay, at least, the Community minimum. In all other cases, including non-harmonised taxes, Member States must demonstrate that such derogations are both necessary and proportionate.


– New provisions on aid for early adaptation to standards, aid for environmental studies, aid for district heating, aid for waste management, including recycling, and aid involved in tradable permit schemes.


– Introduction of a detailed assessment method for cases involving large aid amounts to individual beneficiaries, which have greater potential to distort competition and trade. All other cases will be subject to a standard assessment and, most likely, some of them will be even block-exempted once the Commission adopts the future General Block Exemption Regulation (hereinafter, GBER). As a consequence, Member States would be relieved from the notification obligation and would be able to use a simplified method to calculate the aid amount involved in measures falling under the scope of the GBER. The result would be a considerable reduction of the administrative burden in the field of environmental aid.


...[I]n cases where the PPP [Polluters Pay Principle] cannot be properly implemented and the production costs are not properly accounted for by industry...[i.e.,] [i]n such market failure situations, State aid can be an appropriate tool. It may also enable individual undertakings to change their behaviour and adopt more environmentally friendly processes or invest in greener technologies. Finally, it may encourage Member States to move beyond Community standards and to efficiently support the production of renewable energy and energy cogeneration.


...Concept of Extra Costs
When it comes to investment aid, extra costs are calculated either by clearly identifying the part of the investment improving the environmental protection...or by comparing the total investment costs with a reference investment that does not achieve the same higher level of environmental protection. The appropriate reference investment has to be decided on a case by case basis and must be an investment which would be a credible alternative without the aid. For example, for an investment in renewable energy, the reference investment is normally a conventional power plant, while for an investment in co-generation of heat and power, the reference investment is normally an investment in separate production of heat or power.


For operating aid, extra costs are defined as the difference between production costs (including investment costs and a normal return on capital) and the market price. Only investment costs which have actually been borne by the undertaking can be included in the extra costs.

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http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=MEMO/08/31&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en


State aid: guidelines on state aid for the environment – frequently asked questions


MEMO/08/31


Brussels, 23 January 2008


"...Environmental protection is an important objective of the European Union. The level of environmental protection is not considered to be sufficiently high and there is a need to do more. This is due notably to the fact that companies do not fully account for the costs of pollution for societies. To address this market failure and promote a higher level of environmental protection, governments may use regulation to ensure that companies pay for their pollution (e.g. through taxes or emission trading systems) or meet certain environmental standards.


In some cases, state aid may also be justified to give private firms an incentive to invest more in environmental protection or to relieve some firms from a relatively high financial burden in order to enforce a stricter environmental policy overall. At the same time, the guidelines serve as a safeguard that it will not be possible to grant badly targeted or excessive state aid which not only distorts competition but also frustrates the very objective of meeting environmental targets.


...If the aid is well targeted, the Guidelines are very generous. For instance, for the production of renewable energy, Member States have the possibility to cover 100% of extra-costs supported by the companies.


...2. The aid intensities have increased considerably. The intensities for large enterprises have gone from a range of 30%-40% to 50%-60%. For small enterprises the intensities have gone from 50%-60% to 70%-80%. Furthermore, where an investment to improve on Community Standards or improve the level of environmental protection in the absence of standards involves eco-innovation, a further 10% aid bonus may be granted. In addition, a possibility to grant 100% following a competitive procedure has been introduced.


...3. As far as tax reductions are concerned, the guidelines maintain the possibility of long term derogations from environmental taxes without conditions as long as after reduction, the companies concerned pay at least the Community minimum. Where the companies do not pay at least the Community minimum, long term derogations remain possible but Member State must demonstrate that these derogations are necessary and proportionate. The beneficiaries of very important reductions of even full exemptions are sometimes big polluters. The Commission considers that under certain conditions, such derogations may be justified, but Member States should justify their necessity.


...The aid amount is based on the extra investment costs necessary to achieve the level of environmental protection compared to e.g. an installation fulfilling the mandatory standard or a method of production which is less environmentally friendly in the absence of standards...Only State aid which has an additional effect on the environment should be authorised and the likelihood that the aid is necessary to increase the level of environmental protection is higher if the aid is granted on the basis of the extra cost approach.


...The aid intensities for investments are normally not 100% of the extra investment costs because, first the calculation of extra cost is not accurate, e.g. operating benefits are not taken into account over the whole life time of the installation. Second, a more environmentally friendly image may have a commercial value for the enterprise or may even be indispensable for the future survival of the company...However, if the State aid is linked to a bidding process, the aid intensity can go up to 100%. Furthermore, for the production of renewable energy and cogeneration operating aid may be granted in addition to investment aid to cover the full difference between the cost of producing the energy and the market price for the energy concerned. The aid may even cover a normal return on capital. Thus, 100% of extra costs are covered.


...High aid amounts have a greater risk of distorting competition and trade, and will therefore be subject to a detailed assessment. Thus, high aid amounts to individual beneficiaries must be notified individually to the Commission, even if they are granted under a scheme already approved by the Commission. For operating aid for energy production capacity thresholds are used as an indication of high aid amounts."

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http://www.umweltdaten.de/publikationen/fpdf-k/k2549.pdf


The Polluter Pays Principle under WTO Law: The Case of National Energy Policy Instruments


By Frank Biermann, Frédéric Böhm, Rainer Brohm, Susanne Dröge and Harald Trabold


ENVIRONMENTAL RESEARCH OF THE FEDERAL MINISTRY OF THE ENVIRONMENT, NATURE CONSERVATION AND NUCLEAR SAFETY
Research Report 201 19 107
UBA-FB 000555/e

TEXTE 76/2003



"[I]nstruments of German domestic and international energy policy...[include] The Polluter Pays Principle. The PPP is an environmental policy guideline stipulating that the costs of pollution prevention and control should be borne by the polluter. The OECD has included the PPP in its environmental policy guidelines and it can also be found in European Law and in the UNCED Rio Declaration (1992). The PPP is applied to differing degrees by various countries around the world.


...The PPP is not part of the WTO rules, which are concerned with facilitating international trade. This does, however, not hinder PPP-application per se, but has some implications for national policy instruments which require that polluters should bear the environmental costs of their activities.


... Only the application of non-product related standards on imports, i.e. standards prescribing production methods which do not determine the physical characteristics of a product, are not compatible with current interpretation of WTO law. Electricity from different sources (e.g. nuclear and solar power) is regarded as a “like product” and imported electricity must not be discriminated against based on its production method. Currently, such discrimination is not part of any German command and control policy.


... Environmental taxes are levied in order to charge a polluter for the damages caused by his activities. In theory, they help to fully internalise the environmental costs of consumption and production. However, national taxation of energy consumption – like the German Ecological Tax Reform - faces difficulties in open economies, as non-taxed imports are available as substitutes for domestic products. As long as international tax harmonisation is not possible, border tax adjustments could help to offset competitive disadvantages without watering down the environmental objectives of taxation, e.g. the reduction of carbon dioxide emissions.


Whether or not border tax adjustments for energy taxes are permitted under world trade law is not entirely clear given the lack of precise legal provisions and case law.


... A subsidy can be defined in a broad sense as an economic benefit received by a private agent from public funds. Subsidies are in general not compatible with the PPP. They are, however, often applied as a temporary measure to enable producers to avoid emissions in the long run. The WTO definition of a subsidy is regulated in the GATT and in the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM). It comprises direct subsidisation (financial contribution) and income or price support by a government. Prohibited are all subsidies that are based on export performance or contingent upon the use of domestic over imported goods.


We have shown that the German price guarantees for renewable energy in the EEG and KWK cannot be considered as subsidies under WTO law. Even if this were the case, they would be regarded as non-actionable, unless a WTO member could prove serious adverse effects to the domestic industry which are difficult to repair. Furthermore, it is also unlikely that the direct German price supports for electricity from renewable energy sources will be challenged in a WTO dispute, because currently, trade in this electricity is low and such subsidies were considered to be non-actionable under Article VIII (2) ASCM up until 1999."

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Are the EU Subsidies for Renewable Energy Legal for WTO Purposes??

There is a need to distinguish between ‘legitimate’ government activities and trade-distorting subsidies.


- Domestic subsidy –
o Granted to an industry on all of its production of a product, regardless of whether that production is exported. It can have effects similar to a protectionist tariff.
§ It can enable domestic industry to reduce its price to a level below that of foreign imports, and effectively drive out import competition.
§ It is favorable to consumers b/c it lowers the overall price of products.


WTO rules - impose significant constraints upon the ability of WTO Member governments to use domestic subsidies.


o Unbridled and competing national subsidies can undermine world prosperity, and quickly spread from nation to nation.
o A major purpose of the GATT is to discipline protective import policies.
o Subsidies can undermine market access commitments by importing nations. Promises to reduce or eliminate the use of traditional instruments of protection like tariffs and quotas can prove worthless if other instruments of import protection are substituted for them, and new subsidy programs are one such instrument.
o Subsidies are said by many observers to "tilt the playing field" in a way that is unfair or otherwise objectionable, quite independently of whether they frustrate the market access expectations associated with WTO/GATT commitments on particular products or services.
§ Subsidies can distort resource allocation by diverting resources from higher valued to lower valued uses. Put slightly differently, they can distort comparative advantage and produce a less efficient global division of labor, leading to lower economic welfare. In the view of some observers, additional disciplines are required to thwart the use of subsidies that result in unfair or economically inefficient distortions of international trade.
· See: Alan O. Sykes, THE ECONOMICS OF WTO RULES ON SUBSIDIES AND COUNTERVAILING MEASURES at: http://www.law.uchicago.edu/Lawecon/workshop-papers/sykes.pdf


The GATT – treats subsidies as a ‘distortion’ of international trade that creates a disparity between the actual costs incurred in producing a particular good and those which must be borne by the firm undertaking its production.


- It is often said that much government support is more of a ‘correction’ of ‘market failure’ (i.e., enhancement of economic welfare) than a ‘distortion’ of market dynamics (and thus a reduction of economic welfare).
o The issue then becomes one of identifying whether a particular measure on balance ‘corrects’ or ‘distorts’ the market process.
§ i.e., whether it increases or decreases the efficiency with which resources are allocated.
§ This depends on theoretical and empirical judgments about how well the domestic political system performs the tasks of deciding what intervention should be undertaken and implementing the program adopted.

- GATT Article XVI – contains original obligations on subidies.
o Introduction of a new domestic subsidy on a product which is bound in a country’s GATT schedule has been termed a ‘prima facie nullification or impairment’ on GATT Article XXIII.


WTO Subsidies Agreement –

- Defines ‘subsidy’
o SPECIFIC SUBSIDY – a subsidy available only to an enterprise or industry or group of enterprises or industries within the jurisdiction of the authority granting the subsidy.
§ ONLY specific subsidies are subject to discipline under this agreement.

§ Although the agreement set out THREE categories of subsidies, only two remain, with the third having been phased out:
· SCM Article 3.1 - Prohibited – ‘Red’ –
o Those contingent, whether solely or as one of several other conditions, upon the use of domestic over imported goods. Subject to expedited timetable for action by DSB. If found prohibited, it must be immediately withdrawn, or be subject to COUNTERMEASURES.

· SCM Article 5 – Actionable – ‘Amber’ –
o No member should cause through the use of subsidies, adverse effects to the interests of other signatories – injury to domestic industry of another signatory, nullification or impairment of benefits accruing directly or indirectly to other signatories, and ‘serious prejudice’ to the interests of another member

o Must rely on SCM Articles 6.2 and 6.3: requiring DEMONSTRATION OF ‘SERIOUS PREJUDICE’
· Burden of proof on complaining member.


· SCM Article 8 – Non-Actionable – ‘Green’ – PHASED-OUT ** (See SCM Article 31)
o This window for non-actionable subsidies existed for five years, ending on December 31, 1999, and was not extended;
o Non-specific subsidies;
o Specific subsidies involving assistance to:
§ industrial research & pre-competitive development activity -
· Research and Development: “assistance for research activities conducted by firms or by higher education or research establishments on a contract basis with firms.” These subsidies were limited to the cost of personnel, equipment and overhead activity employed exclusively for a research activity. Moreover, government subsidy for research was only permitted up to the point of development of the first non-commercial prototype;

§ adapting existing facilities to new environmental requirements imposed by law and/or regulations ****
· Environmental Protection: “assistance to promote adaptation of existing facilities to new environmental requirements imposed by law and/or regulations which result in greater constraints and financial burden on firms.” These subsides were allowed only if they promoted the adaptation of facilities in operation for at least two years to new environmental requirements that were imposed by laws or regulations. In addition, they were limited to 20 per cent of the cost of adaptation, and could not cover the cost of replacing and operating the assisted investment, which had to be fully borne by the firm.

o Developing countries refused to sign the Doha Declaration unless the use of these subsidies was revisited. Thus, Article 8 revisitation is specifically mentioned in the Implementation-Related Issues and Concerns decision of November 14, 2001. The text is as follows: Proposal to allow certain subsidies for development: Some countries have proposed that some subsidies in developing countries should not have to face countervailing measures or other actions from other governments. These are described as subsidies with “legitimate development goals,” and include support for regional growth, technology research and development, production diversification, and development and implementation of environmentally sound methods of production.

§ The ministers agree that this is an implementation issue to be handled under section 13, which in turn simply refers to Paragraph 12 of the main Doha Declaration. The ministers also agree that during the negotiations their governments will exercise due restraint in challenging these subsidies. See: Francisco Aguayo, Ayala “Preserving Policy Space for Sustainable Development: The Subsidies Agreement at the WTO”, International Institute for Sustainable Development (Dec. 2005) at: http://www.tradeknowledgenetwork.net/pdf/tkn_policy_space_commentary.pdf
§ See DOHA WTO MINISTERIAL 2001: MINISTERIAL DECLARATION WT/MIN(01)/DEC/1 (Nov. 20, 2001) at: http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/minist_e/min01_e/mindecl_e.htm


o SCM Article 1.1(a):
§ A “subsidy” shall be deemed to exist if:

· There is a financial contribution by a government or public body, involving:

o A direct transfer of funds (grants, loans, equity infusion, etc.)
o Foregone government revenue otherwise due; OR
o Government payment to a funding mechanism or entrusts or directs a private body to carry out certain specified functions; AND

· Thereby a ‘benefit’ is conferred.

o SCM Article 1.1(b):
§ ‘Benefit’ clearly encompasses some form of ‘advantage’ -
· Need to determine whether the financial contribution places the recipient in a more advantageous position than would have been the case but for the financial contribution
o Need to look at the ‘market’ – a financial contribution will only confer a ‘benefit’ if it is provided on terms that are more advantageous than those that would have been available to the recipient on the market.
o ‘Cost’ to government is NOT relevant for purposes of making this determination.
o Panel found contextual support for its ‘reading’ of the term ‘benefit’ in SCM Article 14 (a)-(d).

· focus on the recipient of the benefit rather than the granting authority
o Therefore the cost to government is inconsistent with the ordinary meaning of the term ‘benefit’.
· SCM Article 14 sets forth guidelines for calculating the amount of a subsidy in terms of “the benefit to the recipient”. ****
o These guidelines apply to the calculation of the “benefit to the recipient conferred pursuant to par. 1 of Article 1”.
· SCM Article 1.1, itself, confirms the view that the focus is on the benefit to the recipient and NOT the cost to gov’t.
· The term ‘benefit’ implies some kind of comparison:
o The marketplace provides an appropriate basis for comparison in determining whether a ‘benefit’ has been ‘conferred’.
§ The trade distorting potential of a ‘financial contribution’ can be identified by determining whether the recipient has received a ‘financial contribution’ on terms more favorable than those available to the recipient in the market.
§ SCM Article 14 Guidelines – relate to: equity investments; loans, loan guarantees; the provision of goods by gov’t.
· See: Canada-Measures Affecting the Export of Civilian Aircraft (AB 1999 – Adopted)

§ A ‘benefit’ must be received and enjoyed by a beneficiary or a recipient – a person, natural or legal, or a group of persons.
· See: United States – Imposition of Countervailing Duties on Certain Hot-Rolled Lead and Bismuth Carbon Steel Products Originating in the UK (WT AB adopted 2000)

Does the EU Directive on Renewable Energy Create Another Regulatory Platform for Disguised Trade Barriers in Violation of the WTO Agreements??

http://www.herbertsmith.com/NR/rdonlyres/BB3B7762-0AAB-4FA6-A93B-C9A1DDD528CE/7120/Draft_EU_directive_on_renewable_energy_are_the_pro.html

Draft EU directive on renewable energy: are the provisions on biofuels compatible with WTO law?


Herbert Smith International Trade and Investment e-bulletin


On 23 January 2008, the European Commission published a package of climate action and renewable energy measures that are designed to reduce greenhouse gas ("GHG") emissions. This package includes a draft Directive on renewable energy that would introduce environmental requirements for biofuels. This bulletin focuses on one of the main questions raised in relation to the Commission's proposal on biofuels, namely its compatibility with the law of the World Trade Organisation (WTO).


It is important to note that the Commission's climate change package contains proposals that still need to be approved by the EU Council of Ministers and the European Parliament and that the proposals are likely to undergo alterations. The Commission hopes that the proposed measures will be adopted by the end of 2008.


Binding target for biofuels


The draft directive lays down a 10% binding minimum target for the market share of biofuels in 2020 to be observed by all Member States. This 10% target has been set at the same level for each Member State in order to ensure consistency in transport fuel specifications and availability. To achieve this target, a combination of domestic EU production and imports from non-EU countries will be necessary.


Sustainability requirements


The Commission contends that biofuels – alongside vehicle fuel efficiency – are one of the few measures realistically capable of making a significant impact on GHG emissions from transport. However, the Commission also takes the view that biofuels should only be promoted if they are produced sustainably and do not lead to an overall worsening of GHG emissions.


Therefore, the Directive sets out stringent environmental sustainability criteria: biofuels must achieve at least a minimum level of 35% GHG emission savings and respect a number of requirements related to land use (designed to prevent land with high biodiversity value, such as natural forests and protected areas, being used for the production of raw materials for biofuels).


These environmental criteria are important because only biofuels that fulfil the criteria will be taken into account for (i) measuring compliance with Member States' 10% target for biofuels; and (ii) eligibility for consumption subsidies. In practice, this is likely to substantially hinder the marketing of biofuels that do not meet the environmental criteria.


1) 35% GHG emission savings
The GHG emission savings from the use of biofuels must be at least 35% compared to fossil fuels (although there is an exemption until 2013 for biofuels that are produced by installations that were operational in January 2008). This requirement applies equally to both domestic and imported biofuels and there are two ways in which this 35% target can be met.

Default GHG emission savings: The Directive allocates a series of default GHG emission savings values that specific crops are on average expected to meet (e.g. rape seed biodiesel has a GHG emission saving of 36%). These default values can be used without further verification and producers of biofuel in this category will be able to demonstrate fulfilment of the 35% criterion with minimal effort (in most cases they will merely need to document the nature of the biofuel and the type of feedstock used).

Specific GHG emission savings: Alternatively, a producer of biofuels from a crop not automatically meeting the 35% requirement, (or a biofuel that is not currently listed in the Directive as having a default value e.g. soy) can prove to a Member State that in his specific case the 35% requirement is met. Biofuel producers of this category will need to provide detailed evidence of their production practices (including any carbon stock changes caused by land use change) and operators may have to change these practices in order the meet the environmental criteria.


2) Land use impact
Requirements for biofuel raw material produced in the EU or imported from outside the EU
A) Minimum biodiversity requirements: biofuels must not be produced from:
raw materials obtained from land classified, in or after January 2008 (whether or not the land still has this status), as:

undisturbed forests or biodiverse grassland; or

areas designated for nature protection purposes (designated as such by the states themselves), unless it can be shown that the production of raw material does not interfere with those purposes.

[R]aw materials obtained from land that had the status of wetlands or continuously forested areas in January 2008 but no longer has this status (since these lands have "high carbon stock" and therefore it is doubtful whether converting them would have an overall positive effect of reducing GHG emissions).

B) Additional requirements for biofuel raw material produced only in the EU
Biofuel raw material must meet "cross-compliance" environmental and agricultural rules and principles laid down in other EU Environmental Directives.


There exists a specific disincentive for crops from EU land that is prone to high nitrous oxide emissions from cultivation.


Demonstrating compliance


Member States will need to put measures in place to verify that the target of 10% biofuels is reached and that these biofuels meet the sustainability requirements. Since Member States already require reporting of fuel-related information by fuel suppliers through the fuel excise duty system, the Commission proposes extending this arrangement to cover biofuel aspects, rather than establish a separate stand-alone administrative structure.


In order to demonstrate compliance with the environmental criteria, fuel suppliers will have to make claims about matters including: (i) geographical location of the land on which the raw materials for biofuel production are cultivated, (ii) the nature of the raw material used, and (iii) the energy source used in the biofuel production process. The draft directive proposes putting into place a procedure for the mutual acceptance by Member States of verification schemes that meet adequate standards of accuracy, reliability and fraud resistance. Once such a verification scheme is in place in a Member State, all other Member States would be required to accept evidence from it as conclusive proof of compliance with the environmental criteria.


The draft Directive also allows the use of a so-called "Mass balance system" which allows consignments of raw material or biofuel with different environmental characteristics to be mixed, provided that:

The environmental characteristics of each consignment of raw material or biofuel that is added to the physical pool are described in associated documentation; it is ensured that the withdrawn quantity of raw material or biofuel – with which this documentation is associated – does not exceed the added quantity.


Compliance schemes in non-EU countriesIn order to reduce the administrative burden on biofuels from non-EU countries, the Commission can decide that other certification schemes give reliable proof of compliance with the environmental criteria. In particular, the Commission may, provided that the scheme in question meets adequate standards of reliability, transparency and independent auditing, determine that:


bilateral and multilateral agreements between the EU and non-EU countries demonstrate that biofuels produced from raw materials cultivated in those countries comply with the land use criteria;

voluntary national or international schemes setting standards for the production of biomass products contain accurate data for a GHG emission savings of at least 35% or demonstrate that consignments of biofuel comply with the land use criteria; and
national, multinational or international schemes to measure GHG emission savings contain accurate data for GHG emission savings of 35%.


If the Commission gives its approval to these schemes, the Member States will have to accept certification by these schemes as proof of compliance with the environmental criteria of the biofuels directive (in stead of requiring each supplier to provide evidence of compliance with the environmental criteria).


Questions raised about the compatibility of the environmental criteria with WTO law


Questions have been raised as to whether the Commission's attempt to distinguish between sustainable and unsustainable biofuels is contrary to the principles of free trade laid down in the WTO rules, and in particular those of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) and the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT).


Malaysia and Indonesia have already raised concerns that environmental criteria for biofuels may force them to change their production practices in order to continue exporting to the EU. Brazil is also concerned that environmental criteria may have an impact on its exports of soy-based biofuel to the EU.


The key points of WTO law that will arise in relation to the proposed rules on biofuels are:


Whether making a distinction between biofuels on the basis of the production process, as opposed to the inherent characteristics of the product violates Article XI of GATT, which prohibits quantitative restrictions on imports. According to the GATT panel report in the Tuna-Dolphin dispute, Article XI:1 GATT does not permit different treatment of products based on their method of production as opposed to their properties as products for consumption.


Whether less favourable treatment of non-EU biofuel that represents only 34% GHG emissions savings violates Article I or III of GATT because it would have the effect of discriminating against imports from certain non-EU countries.


Whether possible violations of these provisions could be justified on the basis of Article XX of GATT which allows exceptions to Articles I, III and XI if the relevant measures are (i) "necessary to protect human, animal or plant life or health" or if the measures "relate to the conservation of exhaustible natural resources"; and (ii) do not constitute a means of arbitrary discrimination or a disguised restriction on international trade.


Whether the environmental criteria of the draft Directive comply with Article 2(2) of the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade, which requires that technical regulations "shall not be more trade-restrictive than necessary to fulfil a legitimate objective".

In that context, the following questions will likely arise:

Whether the measures are "necessary" to protect the environment and whether they are the least trade-restrictive measure available to do so.

Whether the administrative burden on foreign producers is not higher than for domestic producers and whether the EU should pursue good faith negotiations with the exporting states prior to imposing its own unilateral measures (as was suggested in the Shrimp – Turtle dispute).

Whether the EU's measures would be more proportionate, and, therefore, less trade restrictive, if they provided for a sliding scale of GHG emissions savings values (rewarding biofuels on the basis of the level of GHG emissions savings they achieve, as opposed to a system that gives a biofuel with 35% savings the same treatment as a biofuel representing 70% savings, while effectively preventing the marketing of a biofuel representing 34% emissions savings).



Monday, May 5, 2008

U.S. WTO Submission - 'Determining the Need to Regulate' - A Document Even the 110th Congress Can Learn From


http://www.wtocenter.org.tw/SmartKMS/fileviewer?id=93847


World Trade Organization


Committee on Technical Barriers to Trade


G/TBT/W/285 (March 19, 2008)


DETERMINING THE NEED TO REGULATE

Communication from the United States


I. INTRODUCTION


1. In its successive reviews of the World Trade Organization Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT Agreement), the TBT Committee has highlighted the importance and relevance of “good regulatory practice” as a tool for preventing the creation of unnecessary obstacles to international trade. From the U.S. perspective, an important component of good regulatory practice is the effective use of processes and analytic tools for determining the need to regulate. These processes and tools rely significantly on the commonly accepted principles for good regulatory practice originally set forth in the 1995 OECD Recommendation on Improving the Quality of Government Regulation and discussed in an earlier communication from the United States to the TBT Committee on “Good Regulatory Practice.”[1]


2. Discussions of good regulatory practice address issues that go beyond the scope of the TBT Agreement; nevertheless, the principles are relevant to the development and application of standards, technical regulations, and conformity assessment procedures. The successful application of good regulatory practices should reinforce, in a domestic context, the goal of preventing unnecessary obstacles to international trade.


3. This U.S. submission responds to the Committee’s invitation for the submission of papers and provides an overview and summary of the key elements that are part of the U.S. federal regulatory approach for determining when it is necessary to regulate.
[1] G/TBT/W/258, 26 October 2005.


A. Background

B. Identification of the Need for a Regulation

C. Consideration of Legal Requirements

D. Consideration of Alternatives

E. Risk Assessments[11]

F. Cost-Benefit Analyses[14]

G. Continual Reassessment of Need During the Regulatory Process


H. The Logic of the Decision


1. During the preparation or review of a draft regulation, there are a number of questions that should be asked to ensure that the regulatory decision is justified. This process can be somewhat like a peer review, with questions being asked about the basis for assumptions or the source of data, about legal authority or policy judgments, etc. Many of these questions reflect the disciplines and principles of the WTO agreements, particularly the TBT Agreement.


The basic, general questions that should be addressed, with some possible follow-up questions, include:


(a) Is the problem or policy goal clear? For example, for a safety regulation, why do private markets provide less than the optimal amount of safety? Have the agency officials made the objective clear enough to ensure that it will be met by the regulatory action? Are they sure that a regulation is being issued to address a problem that really exists?


(b) Will the regulatory action address the problem? If the objective is to make bathrooms in a building accessible to disabled persons, for example, will the regulation require that the bathroom be accessible, but not that the building itself be accessible? If you require that drug or food labels include information for the consumer to ensure they do not use drugs or food that may be harmful, would tests show that the average person would not understand the label? If you require seats on aircraft that will withstand greater crash forces, will the aircraft floor be strong enough to hold the seat in place when subject to those forces?


(c) Do the data and the analyses support the decision? Are the costs and market distortions minimized while the benefits are maximized? Are data sources reliable? Are the ranges of possibilities so broad that the basis of the decision is questionable?


(d) Is the action sensible? Is it possible that a mistaken decision could cause serious harm to the marketplace or adversely affect health, safety, or the environment?


(e) Are the assumptions reasonably explained and supported? Are appropriate sensitivity analyses conducted to respond to challenges to assumptions?


(f) Does the regulation comply with legal requirements, including international agreements (including the WTO agreements, bilateral and regional free trade agreements, and mutual recognition agreements) to which the United States is a party, statutes (including implementing legislation for such agreements), executive orders, and regulations?


(g) Are conflicts or other effects on achieving other objectives and requirements explained and justified? Assuming, for example, that a regulation is necessary, in assessing alternatives has there been any consideration of how other governments have chosen to regulate in this particular area? Have there been any consultations with foreign governments?


(h) Could the regulatory action have unintended consequences? Could the increase in costs for a product or service as a result of a required safety improvement cause consumers to choose alternatives even less safe than the product or service before it was improved? Because of costs, would a company have to forego one safety protection in order to provide another required protection? For example, would consumers choose a less safe way to travel, if regulations raised the cost of another mode of transportation? Would patients refuse to take a necessary drug, because a required warning about a very minor risk associated with the medication scared them?


(i) Will the action promote or hinder innovation, competition, trade, and investment? If the regulation does not reference or incorporate performance standards, specifically internationally-developed standards, if available, why not? Does the regulation require the use of U.S. certification agencies or laboratories and, if so, why? Will foreign businesses have a hard time complying because the regulation is based on U.S. industry manufacturing processes?


(j) Are there reasonable alternatives and explanations for their rejection?


(k) Is the regulation clear, practical, and easily enforced? Would a regulatory alternative that is more acceptable to the regulated community but establishes a slightly lower level of protection end up providing more protection if regulated entities were more likely to comply with it? Or if it were easier for the industry to comply?


III. CONCLUSION


33. A thoughtful, open, and transparent process for examining the need for regulation leads to better decisions. Well-done analyses are exceptionally valuable tools in this decision-making process. They have convinced advocates of one position or another to change their minds about a particular action.


34. If the process is used correctly, there will be better participation in the process by the public and other governments, and regulations are much less likely to create trade barriers or other problems.


FOOTNOTES


[1] G/TBT/W/258, 26 October 2005.


[11] See f.n. 3, supra. See also, Treasury and General Government Appropriations Act for FY 2000, Pub. L No. 106-554; § 515 (“Quality, Objectivity, Utility, and Integrity of Information” and OMB “Guidelines for Ensuring and Maximizing the Quality, Objectivity, Utility, and Integrity of Information Disseminated by Federal Agencies” (2002). {[3] See “Updated Principles for Risk Analysis” (December 19, 2007 memorandum from the Administrator, Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and the Associate Director and Deputy Director for Science, Office of Science and Technology Policy; OMB regulatory documents are generally available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/ omb/inforeg/regpol.html).}


[14] See f.n. 4, supra. {[4] See OMB Circular No. A-4, “Regulatory Analysis” (2003).}

Sunday, May 4, 2008

Democratic Party Trade Protectionism Rhetoric Reveals Promises That Cannot Be Delivered: Unions Beware!

http://167.206.188.34:2000/article/wtMostRead/idUKN0563245720080305?virtualBrandChannel=10112


NAFTA reform just the start - U.S. trade critics


By Doug Palmer


March 5, 2008

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The next U.S. president needs to fundamentally redirect U.S. trade policy to preserve manufacturing jobs and reduce the huge trade deficit -- not just tinker with the North American Free Trade Agreement, critics of U.S. trade deals said on Wednesday.


"We need to change the whole discussion about investment, about subsidies, about enforcement of trade laws," said Leo Gerard, president of the United Steelworkers union. "How does any country continue to prosper when it's accumulating an average annual trade deficit of about $700 billion per year?"


On Tuesday, Sen. Hillary Clinton revived her chances of winning the Democratic party's presidential nomination by beating her rival Sen. Barack Obama in three of the four states that held contests that day.


In recent weeks, both Clinton and Obama have increased their criticism of NAFTA and said they could pull the United States out of the pact if Mexico and Canada did not agree to renegotiate it.


[EVERYONE KNOWS THAT THEY ARE NOT SPEAKING THE TRUTH]


The two candidates have talked mainly about adding enforceable labor and environmental provisions to the pact.


[LABOR & ENVIRONMENTAL PROVISIONS WILL DO NOTHING TO KEEP JOBS IN AMERICA, WHEN THE BASIC COSTS OF LABOR ARE SO MUCH LESS TO BEGIN WITH. CLINTON & OBAMA PROMISES OF ENFORCEMENT OF THESE TYPES OF PROVISIONS WILL ONLY ANGER OUR TRADING PARTNERS AND FURTHER ALIENATE THE U.S. FROM THE WORLD, EXCEPT, PERHAPS, FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION, WHICH FAVORS SUCH NUANCED TYPES OF TRADE PROTECTIONISM. UNIONS SHOULD BEWARE OF DEMOCRATIC PARTY PROMISES THAT CANNOT BE DELIVERED.]




But Lori Wallach, director of Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch, said it was more important in the short term to change the agreement's investment provisions because they encourage U.S. companies to move jobs to Mexico.


Similar reforms are needed in other trade agreements, including the one that set the terms of China's entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001, she said.


[MS. LORI WALLACH IS ANTI-INDUSTRY, ANTI-FREE MARKET, ANTI-PRIVATE PROPERTY, AS THE ITSSD UNFORTUNATELY FOUND OUT WHILE ATTENDING SEVERAL U.S. GOVERNMENT STAKEHOLDER MEETINGS HELD IN WASHINGTON, DC IN THE PAST. SHE IS 'SHORT' ON BUSINESS & ECONOMICS KNOWLEDGE, BUT 'LONG' ON EMOTION AND RHETORIC.]


Wallach blamed NAFTA, China's WTO accession and other trade agreements for many of the roughly 3 million manufacturing jobs the United States has lost since 2000.


[UNFORTUNATELY, MS. WALLACH IS OUT OF TOUCH WITH REALITY. U.S. MANUFACTURERS FROM NUMEROUS INDUSTRY SECTORS HAVE BEEN FALLING OVER EACH OTHER TO MOVE MANUFACTURING JOBS & INVESTMENTS OVERSEAS, ESPECIALLY TO CHINA, SINCE THE MID-1990'S WHEN THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION WAS CREATED. THE WTO PROVIDED FOR THE EVENTUAL PHASE-OUT (OVER A TEN YEAR PERIOD SPANNING 1995-2004) OF IMPORT QUOTAS, INCLUDING U.S. IMPORT QUOTAS IMPOSED ON CHINESE TEXTILES, WHICH FINALLY FELL TO ZERO, PURSUANT TO THE WTO AGREEMENT ON TEXTILES AND CLOTHING (ATC), ON DECEMBER 31, 2004. THE U.S. IS STILL PERMITTED, BY A BILATERAL AGREEMENT REACHED WITH CHINA DURING NOVEMBER 2005, TO IMPOSE QUOTA RESTRICTIONS ON CERTAIN CHINESE TEXTILE EXPORTS UNTIL DECEMBER 31, 2008. SEE: http://www.ustr.gov/assets/Document_Library/Fact_Sheets/2005/asset_upload_file813_8339.pdf CHINA'S VIRTUAL MONOPOLIZATION OF THE WORLD TEXTILE MARKET HAS EVEN PLACED TURKEY'S FORMIDABLE TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN A NONCOMPETITIVE POSITION. PERHAPS INDIA POSES THE ONLY REAL CHALLENGE. WHILE RICARDIAN SPECIALIZATION PROVIDES THE WORLD WITH AN OVERALL BENEFIT - AFFORDABLE TEXTILES, THERE WILL BE LOSERS, NAMELY LABOR, IN MOST OTHER COUNTRIES.


CHINA'S ACCESSION TO THE WTO DURING DECEMBER 2001 SOLIDIFIED CHINA'S PLACE AMONG THE WORLD'S MAJOR TRADING NATIONS, AND THUS BEGAN THE PROCESS OF SLOWLY OPENING UP CHINA'S MARKETS TO FOREIGN INVESTMENT. IF ANYTHING, CHINA MUST BE PREVENTED FROM MANIPULATING ITS FOREIGN INVESTMENT RULES AS DISGUISED MARKET ACCESS BARRIERS. IN ADDITION, CHINA MUST BE HELD TO STRICT WTO STANDARDS AS CONCERNS ITS INSUFFICIENT PROTECTION OF U.S. INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS. SO, YES, MS. WALLACH, THERE IS A NEED FOR ENFORCEMENT OF WTO RULES TO SAVE U.S. JOBS & KNOW-HOW. HOWEVER, ENFORCING WTO LABOR OR ENVIRONMENTAL RULES WILL NOT BRING BACK U.S. JOBS.]


The Bush administration -- noting that U.S. manufacturing output and exports set records last year -- argues that increased worker productivity and advances in manufacturing technology account for many of the lost jobs.


Also, total U.S. employment has grown 24 percent since Congress approved NAFTA in 1993, and U.S. unemployment has averaged 5.1 percent since the pact went into force compared to 7.1 percent in 1980 to 1993, the U.S. Trade Representative's office said in a NAFTA fact sheet.


The Steelworkers' Gerard called USTR's statistics "bullshit" because they gloss over real job losses in key industrial sectors such as steel and autos.


[U.S. AUTO MANUFACTURERS UNFORTUNATELY DO NOT MAKE QUALITY PRODUCTS THAT CAN EFFECTIVELY COMPETE WITH THE LIKES OF TOYOTA, NISSAN & HONDA, LET ALONE, KIA & HUNDAI. THERE ARE NO CHINESE MANUFACTURED CARS EXPORTED TO THE U.S. DUE TO MUCH LOWER BASIC LABOR COSTS IN INDIA & CHINA, THE U.S. STEEL INDUSTRY BEGAN MIGRATING THERE YEARS AGO. THE DEMOCRATS ONLY NEED LOOK AT FORMER U.S. STEEL TOWNS SUCH AS PITTSBURGH TO SEE HOW JOBS CAN BE CREATED WITHOUT TRADE PROTECTIONISM. PITTSBURG HAS SINCE RECREATED ITSELF AS A HI-TECHNOLOGY RESEARCH & START-UP MECCA. THE PROBLEM IS NOT ONLY A CHINESE PROBLEM. IT IS ALSO AMERICAN RELUCTANCE TO ADAPT TO CHANGE.]


NAFTA ALSO MEANS CHINA


The next president also needs to take a tougher stance on trade with China, which is responsible for a large portion of U.S. trade gap, said, Sen. Sherrod Brown, Ohio Democrat.


"In my state and in much of middle class America, NAFTA stands for trade policy generally," Brown said.


Many lawmakers believe Beijing deliberately undervalues its currency to give its companies a trade advantage.


Brown said he and other freshmen Democratic senators would continue pushing this year for legislation aimed at forcing China to revalue its currency, and have drawn a line in the sand against approving a free trade pact with Colombia.


[BROWN & OTHER DEMOCRATS ARE PLAYING POLITICAL ROULETTE HERE. THIS IS A FOOLISH GAME OF LOSE-LOSE. CONGRESSIONAL DEMOCRATS SIMPLY WILL NOT ADMIT TO THEIR LIBERAL CONSTITUENCIES THAT THEY CANNOT BRING AMERICAN JOBS BACK. THIS IS NOTHING MORE THAN VOTE PANDERING.]


In a separate speech, U.S. Trade Representative Susan Schwab said NAFTA had been good for all three countries and warned reopening it could backfire on the United States.


"The notion that you can reopen an agreement like NAFTA and not expect Canada or Mexico to ask for things from us that they didn't get last time" is unrealistic, she said.


Instead of preserving U.S. jobs, changing the pact could put at least some jobs at risk, Schwab said.


She described Clinton and Obama's sparring over who was toughest on NAFTA as a "rhetorical race to the bottom."

Thursday, April 3, 2008

Congressman Rangel and Other House Ways & Means Committee Majority Members Provide Political Cover for Clinton & Obama to Promote Trade Protectionism

http://waysandmeans.house.gov/


U.S. Must Enforce Laws to Break Down Trade Barriers


March 28, 2008


Committee on Ways and Means, U.S. House of Representatives


WASHINGTON, DC – Senior House Democrats today sent a letter to President Bush, renewing their call for stricter enforcement of U.S. rights under trade agreements. The letter was sent in anticipation of the Administration’s annual "National Trade Estimate" (NTE) report listing barriers to U.S. exports.

[The 2008 National Trade Estimate (NTE) Report is accessible here:
http://www.ustr.gov/assets/Document_Library/Reports_Publications/2008/2008_NTE_Report/asset_upload_file365_14652.pdf ].

In their letter, the Democrats expressed hope that the Administration would move past merely inventorying the systemic, recurring trade barriers that U.S. companies face, and, and to take a positive step forward and begin enforcing U.S. rights more vigorously."


In the Democrats’ view, stricter enforcement of trade laws would avoid further growth of the U.S. trade deficit and unsustainable levels of foreign-owned U.S. debt.


In 2007, the U.S. trade deficit was $711.6 billion – the third highest in history and a shocking five percent of the U.S. economy. Over the past six years alone, foreign-owned debt has more than doubled, currently standing at $2.4 trillion or 17 percent of U.S. gross domestic product (GDP). As noted in the letter, the Bush Administration has accumulated more debt to foreign governments and individuals than all previous administrations combined.


The Democrats' letter is accessible here: http://waysandmeans.house.gov/media/pdf/110/cbr%20potus.pdf .


[A REVIEW OF THE POINTS MADE IN THIS LETTER WILL REVEAL CERTAIN TRUTHS, THEY BEING: 1) THE ADMINISTRATION ARGUABLY HAS FAILED TO PROTECT U.S. PROPERTY RIGHTS BY NOT VIGOROUSLY ENFORCING WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION (WTO) RULES AGAINST VIOLATING WTO MEMBER NATIONS; 2) THE U.S. TRADE DEFICIT NO LONGER REFLECTS STRICTLY LOW-COST, VALUE-ADDED IMPORTS - RATHER IT NOW INCLUDES ALSO HIGH TECHNOLOGY IMPORTS DUE TO CORPORATE OUTSOURCING/ OFFSHORING; AND 3) THE RESULTING TRADE DEFICITS FROM NONENFORCEMENT OF WTO LAWS AND THE GROWING HI-TECHNOLOGY IMPORTS ARGUABLY CREATES MORE FOREIGN-OWNED U.S. DEBT AS U.S. CITIZENS BUY MORE & MORE OF PRODUCTS DESIGNED, DEVELOPED & MANUFACTURED FROM OVERSEAS SOURCES ON CREDIT. ]


[AND, ARGUABLY, THE USTR SHOULD HAVE LONG AGO BEGUN CONSULTATIONS WITH VARIOUS U.S. KEY TRADING PARTNERS, AS A PRESAGE TO COMMENCING A POSSIBLE WTO ACTION AGAINST PARTICULAR WTO MEMBER GOVERNMENTS IF U.S. CONCERNS ABOUT MARKET ACCESS TRADE BARRIERS ARE NOT ADEQUATELY ADDRESSED.


THE QUESTION, HOWEVER, IS WHICH KEY TRADING PARTNERS HAVE IMPOSED THE MOST EXTENSIVE, SYSTEMIC AND DAMAGING TRADE BARRIERS AGAINST CRITICAL U.S. PRODUCTS AND PROCESSES, OR HAVE DIMINISHED THE VALUE OF OR OTHERWISE EXPROPRIATED KEY U.S. ASSETS UNDERLYING HI-TECHNOLOGIES WHICH SERVE AS THE CORE OF AMERICA'S 21ST CENTURY ECONOMY?? HERE IS WHERE THE RANGEL REPORT GOES ASTRAY AND IS ARGUABLY DISINGENUOUS. THE RANGEL LETTER FOCUSES ON THE FOLLOWING U.S. TRADING PARTNERS: CANADA, CHINA, THE EUROPEAN UNION, JAPAN, KOREA, MEXICO RUSSIA AND THE UNITED KINGDOM].


[IT IS INTERESTING TO SEE IN THE RANGEL LETTER THAT WHILE THE EUROPEAN UNION (EU) IS INCLUDED AS A KEY U.S. TRADING PARTNER WITH WHICH THE USTR SHOULD ENGAGE IN CONSULTATIONS TO PROTECT U.S. RIGHTS, NOT MUCH IS MENTIONED ABOUT THE MANY VERY EXPENSIVE AND COMPLEX NON-TARIFF ENVIRONMENTAL AND HEALTH (SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT)-RELATED SANITARY AND PHYTOSANITARY, LABELING & TRACEABILITY, PRE-MARKET REGISTRATION, CONFORMITY ASSESSMENT REGULATORY-BASED TECHNICAL BARRIERS TO TRADE WHICH THE EU HAS ADMITTEDLY ERECTED AGAINST THE U.S. SINCE AT LEAST 2002. THESE REGULATORY RESTRICTIONS WHICH DOUBLE AS DISGUISED TRADE BARRIERS, HAVE AFFECTED BILLIONS OF DOLLARS $$$$ OF U.S. EXPORTS, AS WELL AS, DIMINISHED THE EXERCISE AND VALUE OF U.S. PROPERTY RIGHTS. CONSEQUENTLY, THEY HAVE RESULTED IN A SIGNIFICANT TRADE DEFICIT WITH EUROPE, WHICH THE RANGEL REPORT FAILS TO MENTION.


APPARENTLY, THERE IS A 'GOOD' REASON FOR THIS. MR. RANGEL AND HIS COLLEAGUES ARE UNLIKELY TO ADMIT IT, BUT THEY WISH TO ADOPT THESE VERY SAME EXPENSIVE AND COMPLEX REGULATORY REQUIREMENTS HERE IN AMERICA SO THAT AMERICAN BUSINESS ARE PLACED ON THE SAME COSTLY FOOTING AS THEIR EUROPEAN COUNTERPARTS. THIS IS WHAT THE DEMOCRATS AND THE EUROPEANS REFER TO AS 'LEVELING THE PLAYING FIELD' OR TRANSATLANTIC 'REGULATORY HARMONIZATION'. PERHAPS, THIS IS LARGELY WHY CONGRESSMAN RANGEL AND HIS COLLEAGUES HAVE EFFECTIVELY GIVEN EUROPE A 'PASS'.


INDEED, REGULATORY RESTRICTIONS NOW LOOK POLITICALLY PALATABLE TO THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES AS A 'QUICK FIX' FOR THE CURRENT TRADE DEFICITS, EVEN THOUGH THEY KNOW FULL WELL THAT EARLY 20TH CENTURY HISTORY HAS SHOWN HOW TRADE PROTECTIONISM BY ONE COUNTRY CAN DEVOLVE INTO A SERIES OF SIMILAR PRACTICES EMPLOYED BY OTHER NATIONS THAT RESULT IN MORE & MORE TRADE PROTECTIONIST DEVICES BEING ERECTED. IN FACT, THE TRADE PROTECTIONISM OF THAT ERA WAS PARTLY RESPONSIBLE FOR THE EVENTS THAT LED TO WORLD WAR II!!! THE INTERNATIONAL TRADING SYSTEM WAS CREATED TO PREVENT THAT FROM EVER OCCURRING AGAIN.


[IN ADDITION, THE RANGEL LETTER FAILS TO MENTION EITHER BRAZIL OR THAILAND, TWO OF THE LEADING NATIONS RESPONSIBLE FOR TRYING TO CHANGE THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL PARADIGM FOR INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY - PATENTS, COPYRIGHTS & TRADE SECRETS, SO THAT THEY MAY ACQUIRE U.S. SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGICAL KNOW-HOW AT CONCESSION-RATE PRICES!!! DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE DEMONSTRATES HOW THESE TWO NATIONS HAVE, FOR AT LEAST 8 YEARS, LED AN INTERNATIONAL GROUP OF DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF WELL-FUNDED HEALTH & INFORMATION ACTIVIST GROUPS, TO CHANGE INTERNATIONAL TRADE, INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY AND HEALTH LAW. THEY HAVE UTILIZED A NUMBER OF DIFFERENT UNITED NATIONS AGENCIES & ORGANIZATIONS TO CONVERT PRIVATE INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS INTO THE PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL GOODS OF FREE HEALTHCARE AND FREE DIGITAL KNOWLEDGE. BRAZIL AND THAILAND HAVE WORKED TOGETHER IN THE WTO, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION (WHO), WORLD INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY ORGANIZATION (WIPO), THE UN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS (UNCHR), THE UN DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM (UNDP) AND UN EDUCATION, SCIENCE & CULTURAL ORGANIZATION (UNESCO). IN FACT, BOTH BRAZIL AND THAILAND HAVE, WITHOUT LEGAL JUSTIFICATION, ISSUED COMPULSORY LICENSES AGAINST U.S.-OWNED DRUG PATENTS, WHICH IS ESSENTIALLY THE SAME THING AS A GOVERNMENT DECLARING EMINENT DOMAIN ON ONE'S PRIVATELY OWNED HOME. INTERESTINGLY, U.S. SENATOR PATRICK LEAHY AND OTHER CONGRESSIONAL DEMOCRATS HAVE PROPOSED LEGISLATION WHICH WOULD ALLOW THE U.S. GOVERNMENT TO DECLARE COMPULSORY LICENSES ON THE PATENTS AND COPYRIGHTS OF U.S. TAXPAYER-OWNED HI-TECHNOLOGIES!!! PERHAPS, THIS IS LARGELY WHY CONGRESSMAN RANGEL AND HIS COLLEAGUES HAVE GIVEN BRAZIL AND THAILAND A 'PASS'.


[INSTEAD, MR. RANGEL AND HIS COLLEAGUES DEVOTE CONSIDERABLE INK TO 'BASHING CHINA' WHICH, FOR SOME UNEXPLAINABLE REASON, DEMOCRATIC POLITICIANS ARE OBSSESSED WITH, AS ARE THEIR EUROPEAN COMMISSION COUNTERPARTS.]


[A CLOSE REVIEW OF THE NATIONAL TRADE ESTIMATE REPORT WILL REVEAL THAT EUROPE IS SECOND ONLY TO CHINA IN THE NUMBER OF 'TRADE BARRIERS' LISTED AND DESCRIBED. THE REPORT DEVOTES 45 PAGES TO EUROPE, AND 67 PAGES TO CHINA, BUT EUROPE IS NOT REALLY BEING FOCUSED ON BY MR. RANGEL!!].


FURTHERMORE, THE NATIONAL TRADE ESTIMATE REPORT SHOWS THAT THE FOLLOWING COUNTRIES HAVE BETWEEN 10 and 20 PAGES OF DESCRIBED TRADE BARRIERS, BUT ONLY JAPAN & RUSSIA ARE MENTIONED, NOT TAIWAN, SOUTH AFRICAN CUSTOMS UNION OR INDIA. HAVE MR. RANGEL AND HIS COLLEAGUES GIVEN THESE COUNTRIES A 'PASS' AS WELL???


[THE FOLLOWING COUNTRIES HAVE FEWER THAN 10 PAGES ALLOCATED TO THEM, BUT THEY ARE ALSO INCLUDED ON MR. RANGEL'S 'BAD BOY' LIST:

- KOREA – 5 PAGES;
- CANADA – 10 PAGES;
- UNITED KINGDOM – ¼ PAGE.

WHAT IS INTERESTING HERE IS HOW THE U.K. IS CITED FOR PHARMACEUTICAL MARKET ACCESS BARRIERS BASED ON OVERLY CONTROLLED PRICING SCHEMES: THIS PROVIDES ONE MAJOR EXAMPLE OF WHY U.S. DRUG PRICES ARE SO HIGH – NAMELY, B/C U.S. PHARMA COMPANIES FIRST SUBSIDIZE THE COST OF DRUG DEVELOPMENT IN OTHER COUNTRIES WHICH DO NOT PAY HIGH ENOUGH PRICES FOR APPROVED DRUGS THAT WOULD PROVIDE THESE SAME U.S. COMPANIES WITH ADEQUATE RETURN ON INVESTMENT (ROI) TO REINVEST INTO NEW INNOVATIVE PRODUCTS.



ARGUABLY, IF MR. RANGEL AND HIS COLLEAGUES ON THE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS FOCUSED INSTEAD ON ASKING THE ADMINISTRATION TO NEGOTIATE WITH OTHER COUNTRIES, INCLUDING THOSE IN EUROPE, TO RAISE THE ACCEPTABLE LEVEL OF DRUG PRICES PER THEIR GOVERNMENT-RUN MEDICINE REIMBURSEMENT PROGRAMS, SAY 10-15%, THIS WOULD EASE PRICE PRESSURES IN THE U.S. SOMEWHAT, AND MOST LIKELY RESULT IN MORE AFFORDABLE, CUTTING-EDGE MEDICINES].


[The OECD nations, including the United States, have effectively been subsidizing the health care costs of developing country governments and citizens. Unfortunately, this subsidization has not occurred with all OECD members paying their fair share. Considering the extent of pharmaceutical price controls currently being imposed in countries such as Australia, Canada, Japan, and the Member States of the EU, some of which are extremely proud of their social welfare systems, it is arguable that Americans are likely to bear most of these costs, especially in the near term.


In fact, this concern was duly noted within a recent 2004 United States Commerce Department study evaluating pharmaceutical pricing in high income countries. It called for higher patented drug prices in Canada, Europe, Japan, Australia and other OECD countries in order to reduce the degree to which American consumers subsidize global drug development costs.


The report concludes that these countries have been free-riding off American patent rent extraction by setting government reimbursement prices too low. . . A recent speculative estimate, based on industry data and calculations . . . suggests that eliminating OECD price controls on patented drugs would increase revenues by $17.6 to $26.7 billion per
year, with additional R&D of $5.3 to $8 billion per year. Implicit in this estimate is the assumption that about a third of incremental revenues would be spent on R&D. . . ."


See Kevin Outterson, Nonrival Access to Pharmaceutical Knowledge, Submitted to the CIPIH (Jan. 3, 2005), at note 190, ¶ 7.2., available at: http://www.who.int/intellectualproperty/submissions/KevinOutterson3january.pdf. ]


Wednesday, April 2, 2008

Moscow Mayor's Myopic Motivations for Banning GMOs Reflects Political Protectionism at Work; Will Also Harm Russian Biotech Market Advances

http://www.eurasiabio.org/media/news/moscow_mayor__going_to_exclude_transgenes_from__muscovites_ration/


Moscow mayor going to exclude transgenes from Muscovites’ ration


Source: AMI TASS


March 20, 2008


Jury Lushkov has proposed to completely ban the sale of GMO containing products in Moscow.
He pointed out that about 6 per cent of products in sale in Moscow contain GMO. Indicating that such products are prohibited in many countries and cities. .Moscow mayor insists this dangerous and still not fully investigated component to be expelled from the capital.


Over 12,8 thousand titles of products have been checked. The GMO level exceeding the 0.9 per cent mark was revealed in 750 articles, mostly diary products.


The bans and limits for transgene cultures in several EG countries are linked to the ecologists' doubts that their uncontrolled dissemination can endanger the ecology balance in Europa.


At the same time the representatives of Institute of Nutrition, Moscow State University, Gamaleja Institute of microbiology and epidemiology stress, that there exists no study proving the GMO danger for the human health.


[MOSCOW STATE UNIVERSITY SCIENTISTS ARE CORRECT IN CITING THAT THERE ARE NO PROVEN HUMAN HEALTH OR ENVIRONMENTAL RISKS POSED BY GMOS]


[See, e.g., LA Kogan Presentation at Moscow State University – BASIC DIRECTIONS OF MODERN BIOTECHNOLOGY: BIOTECHNOLOGY - A SCIENTIFIC & PRACTICAL PRIORITY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (June 29, 2007), at:
http://www.itssd.org/Programs/BasicDirectionsofModernBiotechnology-KOGANPresentationMoscowConferenceJune29,2007.ppt

Tuesday, April 1, 2008

US Presidential Politics Could Derail Mexican Economic and Social Progress

http://www.gfmag.com/index.php?idPage=777


NEIGHBORHOOD UNREST - MEXICO


Mexico’s recent economic progress could be derailed by turmoil in the US economy and the outcome of the US presidential election.


Global Finance Magazine


By Antonio Guerrero


March 2008


The last time the US economy posted a slowdown, after the 2001 terrorist attacks, the Mexican economy contracted by 0.2%, nearly crushing its industrial sector. With the threat of a US recession looming large and uncertainties over what US-Mexican relations will look like once a new occupant moves into the White House next year, the outlook is beginning to look gloomy south of the border. However, Mexican government officials say the country is better prepared this time around to meet the challenge.


Mexico’s finance ministry estimates assume the US economy will grow by a meager 1.8% this year, prompting officials to reduce their own 2008 GDP forecast in February to 2.8% from the 3.7% forecast the ministry included in the federal budget last September. This would be Mexico’s slowest expansion in three years, after posting 3.2% GDP growth last year. Local banks had already adjusted their forecasts ahead of the government. Banamex, Citi’s Mexican subsidiary, cut its 2008 growth outlook to 2.9% from a previous 3.6%, while BBVA Bancomer slashed its prediction to 2.7% from 3.4%.


With 80% of Mexican exports going to the United States and domestic capital markets moving nearly in tandem with their counterparts in New York, a US recession would have a swift impact on Mexico—and perhaps test many of the structural reforms implemented by the Felipe Calderón administration that have helped to at least partly decouple the two economies. Calderón has tried to ease Mexicans’ fears about a potential US slowdown, saying, “We will seek growth opportunities from within ourselves, in our internal market, in the strong productive apparatus and in the country’s competitiveness.”


Calderón’s reform package includes a fiscal overhaul launched last September that should boost federal revenues by 1.5% of GDP this year, as well as labor reform to introduce greater flexibility. The next hurdle is energy reform, which legislators say should be ready by April. The controversial plan would open the Pemex state-owned oil monopoly to partnerships with private investors to inject capital into a company struggling with rising debt and dwindling oil reserves. Oil accounts for 40% of federal revenues, and, with its output of 1.3 million barrels a day, Pemex is the United States’ third-largest oil supplier.


The Mexican government’s 2008 budget will boost investment by 45%, the biggest increase in 45 years, with most additional spending earmarked for infrastructure projects that will boost competitiveness and create jobs. The aim is to spark 5% annual GDP growth by 2012, falling short of the 6% growth that analysts say is needed to generate the 1.3 million new jobs Mexico requires each year to absorb workers entering the job market. But the Calderón administration counters that its $295 billion public-private infrastructure investment program approved last year should alone create 800,000 jobs.


According to a Merrill Lynch report, “A positive political agenda should create three positive effects in the medium-term: (1) reduce the country’s growth dependence on US activity and oil prices; (2) reinforce domestic engines for growth: credit, domestic consumption and productivity gains; and (3) promote GDP per capita growth, also addressing Mexico’s social agenda: improve social services and decrease poverty.” Merrill Lynch expects economic growth will be supported by 22% credit growth this year, along with a 4.1% expansion in domestic consumption.


US Election Raises Tension


While Mexico is hoping to shield itself from a US recession, it may be harder for it to stay out of the US presidential election as Republican and Democratic candidates alike tackle the issues of immigration, drug trafficking and free trade. Calderón recently asked US presidential candidates to tone down the anti-immigrant and anti-Mexican rhetoric in their campaigns. But candidates may be responding to genuine concerns, as a recent Zogby poll in the US shows more than 76% of respondents said a candidate’s position on immigration will be a “very important” or “somewhat important” factor in deciding whom to vote for this year. Another 36% said “job creation to stem migration” is the most important foreign policy measure the US should take toward Latin America.


The fight against drug trafficking, likely to be a key concern for the next US president, is already being tackled by the Mexican government, with the Calderón administration deploying more than 24,000 troops to regions with high drug production and trafficking activity, as well as extraditing drug lords to the US and seizing large amounts of illicit drugs. The moves have been well received in Washington, where the White House last October announced a $1.4 billion military and security package designed to help Mexico and Central America tackle drug cartels.“


Given the dimensions of the problem, cooperation with the government of the United States is indispensable,” Mexico’s foreign minister Patricia Espinosa told the press. The US aid package is made more politically palatable to Mexican authorities by, unlike the controversial Plan Colombia, not involving any deployment of US military personnel to Mexico.


Both governments may find themselves embroiled in a less congenial dialogue this year over the future of trade between the two nations. In January the last remaining exceptions to the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) were lifted, allowing US corn, sugar, beans and milk to enter Mexico under the pact. While the measure could help lower food prices, Mexican farmers are less than thrilled and not only have unleashed street protests but have called on their government to renegotiate the treaty, which went into effect in 1994.


According to Lawrence Kogan, president and CEO of the Institute for Trade, Standards and Sustainable Development (ITSSD) in Princeton, New Jersey, the controversy may lead to “managed” trade, which he feels is a euphemism for quota-like restrictions on trade in selected agricultural products. “Mexican farmers may end up receiving the short end of the stick here,” says Kogan. “We must wait and see what is ultimately agreed to and then wait to see how it is actually applied in practice.”


Kogan, also a professor of International Trade Law and Policy at Seton Hall University, says the impact on Mexican exports to the US could be determined by who wins the presidency. “A Democratic Congress would likely become emboldened if a Democrat were in the White House. Assuming the Republicans fail to retake Congress, Congress would be more inclined to impose new environmental, health and safety, and labor standards through Nafta and the WTO to raise the cost of Mexican goods and services so that they no longer could compete effectively with US products,” he says.


Meanwhile, capital market investors remain cautiously bullish on Mexico. Merrill Lynch predicts a 23% total return on Mexican equities this year, below the 26% Latin American average and 28% for Brazil, but higher than Chile’s 22% and Argentina’s 19%—adding that the appreciation will be driven by 16% earnings growth (in US dollars) in 2008 and 11% in 2009. Citi upgraded Mexican shares to overweight, arguing that a US recession has been nearly fully priced into Mexican stocks. The sovereign also set a new fixed-income benchmark in January that extended its yield curve to 2040 and saw the order book soar to $3 billion for a $1.5 billion issue that had been upped from an initial $1 billion.


Mexico’s central bank governor Guillermo Ortiz remains more cautious, saying at the World Economic Forum in Davos that Mexico has not yet felt the full impact of the global economic crisis, and there could be more pain ahead. “We’re in round one or two,” he said, “but this is a 15-round fight.”